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20 April 2012 Enterprising Investor Blog

The Japanese Debt Crisis (Part 2): When Does Japan Cross the Event Horizon?

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As noted in the first part of this series on Japan's looming debt crisis, the economic consequences of Japan’s aging population are just beginning to manifest themselves, and dissaving — the act of spending down your life savings — isn’t the only problem that arises. Social and health care spending also accelerate, often placing greater and greater burdens on the government. For example, social security spending in Japan has leapt from 19.7% of the federal budget to more than 31% in the past decade (between 2000 and 2011), according to Japan's Ministry of Finance. Already, social spending and national debt service costs are causing the federal budget deficit to grow to unwieldy heights and are clearly threatening the cash flow model that has enabled Japan's rates to stay so low.

All of this raises the question: With a funding deficit virtually exploding in Japan right now, can the event horizon for a debt crisis be that far off?

Should the Japanese government move to curb social security benefits, it will only accelerate the need for households to fund more of their own retirement living and health care expenses, exacerbating the dissavings that has already begun among households. Of course, there are some positive changes which offset the negatives to a degree. A shrinking population also reduces the levels of infrastructure investment and capital formation required, so national savings are enhanced. Nevertheless, the inherent pressures of rising social security costs and rising debt and debt-service costs will require the Japanese workforce to work harder simply to maintain the status quo — in which the fiscal deficit is already 11% of GDP, as noted in Figure 1. If Japan's current economic model is left unchanged, the fiscal deficit would skyrocket toward 20% of GDP over the next several years. And remember, there are no free lunches. Any cuts in Japan’s federal budget will have consequences elsewhere.


Figure 1: Japanese Government Revenues vs. Expenditures

Japanese Government Revenues vs. Expenditures

Sources: Ministry of Finance, CFA Institute.


The crown jewel in Japan's virtuous cash flow cycle of the past 22 years is its large foreign currency holdings. Due to the many years of trade surpluses, Japan's corporations maintain vast sums of corporate savings denominated in foreign currencies. These foreign currency holdings generate substantial amounts of investment income each year. However, the control of these vast sums is concentrated in a few hands. Likewise, the bond market (and hence, interest rates) is controlled by many of these same hands. And because bonds are priced in a market, if and when the managers of this capital decide to sell, they can cause a stampede for the exit.

Moreover, what happens to the yen exchange rate if and when this capital is repatriated? Stewards of these foreign currency portfolios sell foreign currencies and buy yen — driving up the value of the yen — and worsening the competitiveness of Japanese exports. Unlike China, which uses its large foreign currency holdings to buy commodities and foreign manufacturers to control strategic assets, Japan is shrinking, so it needs little for growth. While Japan could benefit from the purchase of natural resources and other raw materials which it currently imports, its opportunity set is more limited. The greatest growth industry in Japan right now is perhaps health care, but health care is delivered locally. What strategic value could be gleaned by owning hospitals in say Vietnam or Europe? Consequently, there are limits to the strategic benefits that portfolio allocation could offer Japan.

Already, these corporate investors and banks, in particular, are becoming increasingly concerned about maintaining the status quo. Their ability and willingness are being directly challenged by the escalation of national debt service, the expansion of fiscal deficits, and the ramifications of the Fukushima disaster, as well as the current pressure on the yen exchange rate. Already, Japan’s debt service is 23% of GDP, with interest rates at 1%. What happens if and when rates rise? In short, debt service would explode and crowd out huge portions of the federal budget, as illustrated in Figure 2.


Figure 2: Japanese Debt Service and Rates: What Happens Next?

Japanese Debt Service and Rates

Sources: Ministry of Finance, Bank of Japan, and CFA Institute.


So, what causes rates to rise? Rates rise when the market senses a paradigm shift. Perhaps first is what corporate asset managers decide to do. Second, the general dissaving that is spawned by aging will reduce aggregate demand at a time when aggregate supply is increasing. Third, a stronger yen means fewer exports and, furthermore, the shift in energy policy after the Fukushima disaster means a downward structural shift in the current account balance. Not only does aging impact federal budgets, but it also puts downward pressure on GDP as described in Part 1. Only now, the funding surplus has become a funding deficit and the required monetization of debt is increasingly likely to lead to some inflation (although it is partly offset by the deflationary impacts of a shrinking population).

Now the bond market in Japan is well aware of how the game is played. Of course, the Bank of Japan plays a key role in all of this - in part by buying JGB's when demand is weak, and in part by cajoling these same financial institutions to purchase JGB's. With the tools of regulation at their backs, the BOJ does indeed wield much power. What the bond market is perhaps missing are the ongoing incremental changes that have accumulated over 22 years. Such a consistent message to the market establishes a strong belief among market participants. It's when this belief begins to change that rates will change. So, are beliefs changing? On the margin, banks are showing more reluctance to increasing their exposure to JGB's. And on balance, the funding deficit is becoming a large problem, changing the very economic model that has enabled Japan for so long. These changes will place increasing pressure on the BOJ to keep the status quo alive and somehow prevent the market from realizing the game has changed. Bank of Japan Governor Masaaki Shirakawa truly has the challenge of a lifetime to keep it all together.

Some have argued that Japan can ameliorate its budget shortfall by raising tax rates. In economics, there are no grand solutions, only trade-offs. So, it is a fallacy to think that increasing tax rates necessarily increases tax revenues to the government. Many governments and countries have tried raising tax rates and failed to increase tax revenues either due to tax avoidance or damage to economic growth (or both). Japan is currently considering a number of measures to increase taxes (including a proposal to double the national sales tax, from 5% to 10%), but it is not at all clear that these measures will grow the overall tax revenues to the federal government because of various trade-offs across the global economy. And Japan's funding model is vulnerable to changes in behavior that emanate from changes in tax policy. For instance, what if the rise in tax rates causes capital flight from Japan and the delicate funding deficit accelerates?

Other analysts have compared Japan’s relatively low tax revenue/GDP ratio with that of other countries, claiming that there is ample room to raise taxes. However, this belies the welfare society construct that Japan has developed in the past 75 years. In contrast to the welfare state, the welfare society provides social benefits through private employers. Japan’s welfare society attempts to maintain near-total employment via liberal government loans to private companies, often circumventing the need for unemployment benefits. Also, retirement pensions come largely from personal savings and company compensation rather than as benefits from the state. So, the state has intentionally shifted the cost of its social programs to companies. Should it raise taxes on the private sector, additional pressure would be placed on corporate budgets, thereby weakening the economy.

Compounding matters, Japan's manufacturing prowess is weakening while the country as a whole is becoming less competitive. They have lost leadership positions in a number of key industries and the rise of the yen is making their exports less competitive as well. Moreover, pressured budgets make it more difficult to engage in the long-range R&D spending that had helped the country become a global leader in manufacturing. As an example, once a stalwart in consumer technology, Sony recently announced the layoff of 10,000 workers.

Since the epic global financial meltdown in 2008, the U.S. Federal Reserve has maintained an aggressive policy of depreciating the U.S. dollar. As noted in Figure 3, the yen has appreciated some 30% against its post-bubble average, as well as against the dollar, since the collapse in 2008.


Figure 3: Yen vs. US$

Japan Yen vs US Dollars

Sources: St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank, CFA Institute.


This recent appreciation of the yen is exacerbating all of Japan’s problems — its export products are now 30% more expensive on global markets. Its profile is similar against other major currencies. For the first time since the Japanese bubble collapsed, Japan will now need substantial alternate forms of funding to keep the government afloat. Consider Table 1, which illustrates how the funding sources of the federal government are changing and the pressures these changes will place on the Japanese bond market over the next 10 years.


Table 1: Japan Funding Surplus/Deficit Decade by Decade

Japan: Funding Surplus/Deficit Decade by Decade

The funding deficit over the 2000–10 time frame has been modestly negative and made up for with accommodative policy by the Bank of Japan. This accommodative policy has been offset by deflationary forces in Japan, so the net effect has been mild deflation. Looking forward, if this funding deficit of, say, –5% of GDP were made up for with accommodative monetary policy, then the inflationary force of this accommodative monetary policy would very likely exceed the mild deflation (say, –1% or so) that has been occurring in Japan for some time. The net result would be some mild inflation of, perhaps, 2–4% (depending on how much monetization and how much debt issuance occurs), but it would likely be enough to recalibrate the bond market’s expectations. And if JGB yields rise from 1% to just 2%, Japan’s debt service will explode. Thus, a vicious cycle of higher yields, greater fiscal deficits, greater monetization, and greater inflation will occur.

However, the status quo in Japan — if left unchanged — will see to it that the funding deficit widens materially. As debt continues climbing and GDP continues falling, the growth in the debt-to-GDP ratio accelerates. The combination of a rising yen and stagnating corporations will result in the structural trade surplus deteriorating over time (which is why the BOJ will try to get the yen to decline somewhat). Additionally, debt service and social security spending will continue growing as percentages of the federal budget — all without any increase in interest rates. So there is a widening funding deficit that must be made up for with some combination of debt issuance and/or monetization. The combination of large fiscal deficits, funding shortfalls, and private sector dissaving will ensure that Japan must seek investors on the international markets. Consequently, the (natural) domestic demand base for JGBs is falling, while the government’s need for foreign investors is rising. Although some have suggested that the Bank of Japan could devalue the yen, what would happen to the cost of imports if it did? (Remember that Japan imports virtually all of its raw materials, such as energy and hard commodities.) If it chopped the yen in half and many of its input costs doubled, could its export companies be competitive? What would happen to the balance of trade (all else being equal)?

While the underlying economics will change gradually over time, the crisis will erupt when the bond market breaks from the past. When the market realizes that the status quo has changed, rates will rise and force the government’s fiscal budget to explode, creating a sequence of cascading events. Watch closely to see what the major Japanese banks do with their JGB holdings. In addition, watch pension fund managers. The stewards of capital changing their policy allocations will determine when the status quo shifts.

So, when does Japan breach the event horizon? No one can say for certain, but after 22 years of operating in limbo, the event horizon now appears to coincide with the investment horizon of investors. Perhaps the BOJ will find a devaluation of the yen too irresistible to pass up, a move that will reset Japan’s current course in one fell swoop. Or perhaps the bond market will decide for them. At any rate, one thing is clear: change is coming to Japan.

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All posts are the opinion of the author. As such, they should not be construed as investment advice, nor do the opinions expressed necessarily reflect the views of CFA Institute or the author's employer.

Photo credit: ©iStockphoto.com/Snehitdesign

36 Comments

T
TheArmoTrader (not verified)
23rd April 2012 | 9:09pm

Will keep this short.

1) Its not Government spending (even though Gov spending is needed in the beginning to get the dollars into the economy (private sector) that essentially needed. Its DEFICITS. How you get to deficits, is a matter of discussion where we can have some good logical debates. But what we cannot debate about (because of the accounting identity fact) is that the government deficit is equal to the private sector savings. Both sectors cannot run a surplus, its impossible (unless the foreign sector is running a deficit, but for the US, it is not)

2) are central banks more powerful than markets? -- Yes
If ECB wanted right now, it could lower all EZ nations' bond yields to 1%. However, that is unlikely given Germany's unwarranted stance on inflation and their ability to politically control the ECB. However, thats another issue, one that does not pertain to the operational realities of the monetary system.
Same would go with the FED/BoJ. They could keep rates at 1% forever (10 year yield). However, there are consequences to that. Once the economy normalizes, inflation will pick up, thus the FED will be forced to raise rates (because of rising inflation, NOT markets)

You brought up Nat Gas/oil. Imagine a nat gas producer who could produce (read "print") Nat Gas at the press of a button (read "keystroke) [Lets assume He would be the only one in the world, because there is truly only 1 issuer per currency].
He could keep Nat Gas prices at whatever price (lets say 50 cents) forever by just producing NatGas with the push of a button right?
But obviously there would be "trade-offs". He would be selling NatGas at a cheaper rate than what he could. He keeps it low for now to get people to convert to Nat Gas. Once people start switching to NatGas, he would then be forced to raise prices so he would stay in business (because lets assume $4 is the breakeven point...That breakeven point for inflation is more complex than this simple scenario, but you get my point).

The Same goes for the FED. They can keep Rates as low as they want forever, however, there will be inflation costs later which they would need to combat by raising rates.

3) I read ur post, no need to re-explain here...but I disagree with some of your analysis. Again, as long as Japan (the BoJ) can issue Yen, there will be NO crisis (barring exogenous events).

To conclude:
In the end, all that matters is if they can issue currency or not. Yes, there is CONSTRAINTS (inflation), but that is more of a complex issue then just "monetary" reasons.
Enjoyed the debate Sir.

J
Jeff (not verified)
24th September 2012 | 5:26pm

Another great post. Thanks for the clear and concise points.

FA
Frank Ashe (not verified)
24th April 2012 | 12:38am

I'm with ArmoTrader - there's a lot of fuzzy thinking going on in the main article and replies:

* " For starters, the underlying unit is currency (e.g. yen, dollars, etc.) which itself changes." How does the currency itself change? What do you mean?

* "Second, government spending often has a negative multiplier (meaning that 1$ in deficit spending leads to less than 1$ of GDP growth). It’s growth, just unproductive growth. Third, there is a fundamental relationship between private sector spending and government spending. The only question is one of capital allocation. Would each dollar be better spent by the government or by the private sector?"
I was under the impression that government spending in Japan was keeping up aggregate demand, because the private sector was winding down their balance sheets (see Koo's idea of a balance sheet recession). In which case there is no concept of crowding out that Rimkus is implying.

* "Surplus countries like Japan have used their CB to lower rates, stimulate debt and regulate banks into buying more JGB’s."
A bank buying a JGB is more like an interest rate swap than a purchase. Rather than leave money in the BoJ earning a floating rate of interest, a bank accepts a fixed rate of interest for a known length of time. In both cases the government is the counterparty - either the Treasury or the BoJ. If in the future nobody wants to do the swap (buy the bond) then the cash just sits on the BoJ balance sheet and gets 0% interest.

Japan has problems, but the analysis is deeper than this.

FA
Frank Ashe (not verified)
24th April 2012 | 12:42am

Ooops! Almost forgot.

Figures 1 and 3 are misleading - a logarithmic scale must be used.

A
Anders (not verified)
24th April 2012 | 7:51am

Ron Rimkus - interesting article. But don't you agree that the changing demographics are only really relevant in terms of production vs needs/wants of real goods and services? Sure, Japan has an ageing population. But as long as the real goods and services produced by Japan are sufficient, there is no 'real' issue. The only question becomes how do you ensure that aggregate demand isn't excessive in view of the productive capacity of the country. This is an inflationary point.

You speak of the central bank as if it has the upper hand usually but not always. I'd contend that it ALWAYS has the upper hand, simply because it can impose the "explicit yield ceilings", in Bernanke's term, and make unlimited purchases of bonds to enforce those yields (as the SNB is doing to protect the EUR CHF floor). Large scale purchases by the BoJ - even larger than at present - could indeed lead to inflation; default is not something that BoJ could be forced into.

Whichever way you look, the story is entirely about inflation. And the point here is: you can always raise taxes to curb inflation. Reduce income with tax, and the issue of "too much money chasing too few goods" goes away.

Whilst we have all learned to expect monetary policy to be the primary tool to prevent inflation, in fact we are going to have get to used to fiscal policy being more important, because higher debt levels mean that raising rates is going to be increasingly problematic.

This is "fiscal dominance"; not a normative doctrine, but an observation about how economies have evolved.

RR
Ron Rimkus, CFA (not verified)
24th April 2012 | 12:17pm

Hi Anders. I think I agree with everything you've said. I am not particularly concerned about a default, per se, as some comments have intimated for the reasons outlined. I am concerned about the value of JGB's and the levels of Yields on JGB's / interest rates, the value of the Yen and an inflationary spiral. I don't claim to know how exactly it will manifest itself. My point is simply that the status quo is changing and it will affect the national debt, the Japanese economy and the Japanese people (i.e.JGB's) in a material way. Exactly how and where it manifests itself will depend in large part on the future actions of the Japanese Government and the Bank of Japan.

FA
Frank Ashe (not verified)
25th April 2012 | 5:20am

Ron,

I agree with your comments that "the status quo is changing and it will affect the national debt, the Japanese economy and the Japanese people (i.e.JGB’s) in a material way." I think this much is obvious.

But then you move onto a comment such as: " I am concerned about the value of JGB’s and the levels of Yields on JGB’s / interest rates, the value of the Yen and an inflationary spiral. I don’t claim to know how exactly it will manifest itself." One of the points that ArmoTrader was making is that when you try to map out what will happen then you need to look at a path that maintains the simple macroeconomic identities and takes into account the way that fiat money behaves at a macroeconomic level in a modern banking system.

When this is done you find that the debt/GDP ratio is not an important concept. However, even if it's not an important concept we still have that debt as a major factor in the economy. As an exercise in how to think about these concepts in a modern money sense, consider this case of dissaving:

The aggregate of Japanese pensioners wish to sell a certain amount of JGBs, say Y1bn. This will require the buyers to electronically shift Y1bn from their bank accounts to the pensioners accounts. The bond sales are settled electronically too. Who are these buyers and why do they have Y1bn in cash earning 0%? (Note that you can't assume they sell other assets, as this just shifts the question back one step - who has the cash?) Note that the government (BoJ) could be the buyer. What are the implications in this case?

Why do the pensioners have to sell bonds? The rolling maturity of existing bonds gives a very high cash flow to the holders of the bonds, over 10% a year of the stock of JGBs mature each year.

A
Anders (not verified)
25th April 2012 | 3:52am

Ron - I do agree this is uncharted territory, but just trying to elicit any points of disagreement; I suppose there are three separate things:

1. do you at least believe that Bernanke's 'yield ceilings' idea would work to limit yields, even if it meant potentially unleashing inflationary forces (which one would need to look to fiscal policy to restrain)?
2. I trust you would be dubious about the ability of fiscal policy to restrain inflationary forces, but is this more because you believe it does not work, or that institutionally politicians won't implement the requisite tax increases in time?
3. It sounds like you do believe inflationary forces are inevitable. Here you and MMT obviously differ; MMT might concede that excess liquidity would lead to asset price booms, but wouldn't see a stick-to-flow effect of increasing asset prices to higher aggregate demand.

On #1, I see very little discussion on this particular point; BB himself doesn't seem to have written any formal paper on yield ceilings.

It might seem academic since BB hasn't I believe mentioned it explicitly since Jackson Hole in 2002 (and a follow-up speech in 2003); but when I look at the equation:

"public debt/GDP = F(nominal growth, primary budget balance, prior period debt/GDP, interest rate on debt)"

it seems appropriate to rearrange it to define that interest rate that marks the threshold of stable debt/GDP. In other words, I think fiscal sustainability is going to be seen more and more as managing down interest rates - so yield ceilings simply have to come back on to the agenda.

Best wishes

L
Leon (not verified)
30th April 2012 | 1:52pm

Thank you Ron for this insightful article. Can you offer to explain why the market worked against the BOJ' recent QE on the 27th besides for reasons of expectation.

Cheers,

L